Imaginative situationism
Within weeks, Gerhard Schröder mutated from media chancellor to media victim. The reason: poor communication.
Column Within weeks, Gerhard Schröder mutated from media chancellor to media victim. There are also political reasons for the serious crisis in which the German government found itself shortly after its narrow election victory. These are not the issue here. However, the massive decline in the German population's approval of their newly elected government is also a pathological communication disorder - and therefore a case for WerbeWoche.details of the German debate are probably only of marginal interest here in Germany. However, as Germany is Switzerland's largest trading partner, it makes sense to realize the extent of the uproar there. Both major parties achieved 38.5 percent of the electorate in the 2002 federal elections. Current polls put the CDU/CSU at just under 50 percent and the SPD well below 30 percent. And the country's biggest newspaper, Bild, ran the headline: "Chancellor, we've had enough."
There are several reasons for this communication failure. Firstly, the government has failed to adequately communicate its political U-turn. Since 2000
the line of austerity and tax cuts, the German chancellor is now practising a welfare state traditionalism close to the trade unions. The not dissimilar Swiss public service policy shows that this need not be unpopular. In Germany, however, people are confused by the sudden and implausible command to "turn right". The chancellor should have stood before his people and explained the new situation.
Another reason is the government's lack of ideas. Just like a company, it must pursue an "inspirational dream". Nike makes sneakers. However, 50 percent of the added value comes from the cultural impression. The "products" of a government are laws on pensions or the healthcare system. Here too, however, image and trust play a decisive role. When faith is lost, not only do value chains break down, but loyalties as well.
In the meantime, Schröder has sensed the danger. Suddenly he is offering tax evaders who have moved their money abroad (including to Switzerland) an amnesty if they pay a comparatively moderate final withholding tax of 25 percent. In addition, his office leaked a strategy paper to the public that holds out the prospect of a reform of healthcare policy. And lo and behold, the mood among the elites is already softening. This is Schröder's "inspired ad-hoccary", which roughly translates as "imaginative situationism". But you have to see: Schröder's concessions to the elites are simultaneously causing resistance within the official corps of his own party. It remains to be seen whether the Chancellor will prevail.
The German head of Saatchi & Saatchi, Hubertus von Lobenstein, recently made a very pointed comparison between two T-shirts. One from Procter & Gamble has the words "It's my fault" on the back and "I was shit as a child" on the chest. The T-shirt that von Lobenstein gives out to his own people is different. On the back it says
"I work in Saatchi & Saatchi", with "You don't" on the front. The German government would thus be the
shake your head. "You don't?" "Well, thank goodness!" people would say. We don't want to go so far as to recommend the P&G version. She still has time to fix her glitches. But she will only succeed if she analyzes her policy as a communicative process.
> Peter Glotz was Federal Secretary of the SPD and a member of the German Bundestag until 1996. Today
teaches media management at the University of St.Gallen.
There are several reasons for this communication failure. Firstly, the government has failed to adequately communicate its political U-turn. Since 2000
the line of austerity and tax cuts, the German chancellor is now practising a welfare state traditionalism close to the trade unions. The not dissimilar Swiss public service policy shows that this need not be unpopular. In Germany, however, people are confused by the sudden and implausible command to "turn right". The chancellor should have stood before his people and explained the new situation.
Another reason is the government's lack of ideas. Just like a company, it must pursue an "inspirational dream". Nike makes sneakers. However, 50 percent of the added value comes from the cultural impression. The "products" of a government are laws on pensions or the healthcare system. Here too, however, image and trust play a decisive role. When faith is lost, not only do value chains break down, but loyalties as well.
In the meantime, Schröder has sensed the danger. Suddenly he is offering tax evaders who have moved their money abroad (including to Switzerland) an amnesty if they pay a comparatively moderate final withholding tax of 25 percent. In addition, his office leaked a strategy paper to the public that holds out the prospect of a reform of healthcare policy. And lo and behold, the mood among the elites is already softening. This is Schröder's "inspired ad-hoccary", which roughly translates as "imaginative situationism". But you have to see: Schröder's concessions to the elites are simultaneously causing resistance within the official corps of his own party. It remains to be seen whether the Chancellor will prevail.
The German head of Saatchi & Saatchi, Hubertus von Lobenstein, recently made a very pointed comparison between two T-shirts. One from Procter & Gamble has the words "It's my fault" on the back and "I was shit as a child" on the chest. The T-shirt that von Lobenstein gives out to his own people is different. On the back it says
"I work in Saatchi & Saatchi", with "You don't" on the front. The German government would thus be the
shake your head. "You don't?" "Well, thank goodness!" people would say. We don't want to go so far as to recommend the P&G version. She still has time to fix her glitches. But she will only succeed if she analyzes her policy as a communicative process.
> Peter Glotz was Federal Secretary of the SPD and a member of the German Bundestag until 1996. Today
teaches media management at the University of St.Gallen.
