Shoshana Zuboff: "No one has ever been so powerful"
Shoshana Zuboff, a professor emerita at Harvard, is the world’s leading expert on «surveillance capitalism»—that is, the business model of the major tech companies. She is now warning of an unholy alliance between these companies and U.S. politicians.

m&k: Shoshana Zuboff, when did you first become aware of the particular form of capitalism to which you have devoted the past decades of your work—and which you refer to as «surveillance capitalism»?
Shoshana Zuboff: That must have been in the mid-1970s, when I was intensively studying the emergence of computers and their implications for the American economy. At the time, I conducted several field studies; I visited offices where typewriters were being replaced by cathode-ray tube monitors and factories where production lines were being automated. It was incredibly exciting because, for my doctoral dissertation at Harvard, I had already examined historical precedents for such transformations—industrialization in 18th-century England, for example. To be an eyewitness to something comparable to that was more than impressive.
And in the process, you realized that it wasn't just about process optimization and technology, but also … about monitoring; about control?!
I made a few observations that ultimately led to this realization, yes. I remember a «key moment» at the headquarters of one of the largest U.S. companies at the time: I had an appointment with a manager, and when I walked into his office, he was kneeling on the floor—surrounded by scraps of paper that he was trying to organize. The company in question used an internal email system and was a pioneer in digital communication… but he had printed out his employees« messages, cut them up, and sorted them anew. He wanted to understand what was on their minds without having to meet with them or call them. When I asked him about it, the manager said, »I used to be able to practically watch people at work. Today, all I see are people staring at monitors. I need to know what’s going on in their heads; otherwise, I can’t gauge how productive they are.”
«I need to know what's going on in their heads; otherwise, I can't assess how productive they are.»
…he tried to understand by collecting and sorting «data fragments»? If one is familiar with your books and essays, Professor Zuboff, one might see this as a precursor to what Google, for example, began doing decades later …
Exactly. The momentum I observed in some companies during the 1970s and 1980s quickly transcended factory floors and individual offices … and «spread» into the wider world. In all of this, Google was simply the first company to figure out how to translate human behavior into data on a massive scale, claim that data as corporate property, and sell it as a commodity. It took years to perfect this… and Google continues to optimize its business model to this day… but from the very beginning, the basic idea was not to serve humanity, impart knowledge, or help solve serious problems. Rather, it has always been about predicting and influencing what people buy, do, or think. And making a lot of money in the process.
You keep writing—and talking—about how this definitely sparked internal debates. Some developers had ethical concerns, right?
At first, yes. We know, for example, that a «principles meeting» took place at Google in 2000 or 2001, at which the topic just mentioned was at the top of the agenda. According to the story, one faction within the leadership team advocated for transparency toward users, arguing that honesty would build trust. Another faction, however, believed that if they wanted «trust,» they would have to keep the massive collection of user data a secret. Google co-founder Larry Page had the final say, and it was: «No one outside our organization is allowed to know anything.» The fear was too great that people would turn away—that politicians would take notice—or that laws might even be enacted that could jeopardize the data business.
«…from the very beginning, the basic idea wasn’t to do humanity a favor, but (…) to make a lot of money.»
I can’t help but wonder just how «secret» «surveillance capitalism» has remained. After all, most of us accept the «Terms & Conditions» of digital platforms and services with relative equanimity—knowing that what we comment on, «like,» or consume there may eventually be monetized …
But that’s not the point I’m trying to make. Your statement only scratches the surface. The tech corporations—and not just those three or four mega-companies that immediately come to mind, but a much larger industry… they collect, store, and use the «traces of behavior» that we all leave behind online. Traces that none of us consciously notice; that we, as ordinary citizens, will never fully understand. There are quotes from former Google executives who had to testify in court—and who stated under oath that «it would upset users if they knew what we do» or that «people are constantly philosophizing about their privacy, but have no clue what goes on in the engine room of tech companies.» The continuous and strategic effort to keep people in the dark about the practices of certain stakeholders is a core component of «surveillance capitalism.» Counting comments or «likes» is merely an insignificant side note.
«Larry Page had the final say, and it was: »No one is allowed to know anything.'"
How do you assess the impact of artificial intelligence on «surveillance capitalism»?
When the initial hype around ChatGPT broke out—and people were incredibly fascinated by what the AI was capable of—*The Atlantic* published an investigative article. The authors revealed that ChatGPT’s developers had «trained» the language model using hundreds of books without asking the authors or publishers for permission. Incidentally, my books were among them. And the works of actors, songwriters, and other artists had also been used without regard for copyright. That really dampened the hype… and made some people so angry that they sought legal counsel. I’m inclined to view the latter as one of the best outcomes of the dawning «AI era»—that more people are finally thinking about intellectual property and true privacy.
At the same time, we are witnessing representatives of the world’s largest tech companies currying favor with a populist—some would say autocratic—U.S. president. At Donald Trump’s inauguration, Mark Zuckerberg, Jeff Bezos, Elon Musk, and others sat in the front row.
I call the men you’re referring to «tech oligarchs»: Like the emperors of antiquity or the millionaires of America’s «Gilded Age»—whom we commonly refer to today as «robber barons»—they possess enormous wealth and power. But they also hold something in their hands that their «predecessors» could never have imagined possessing, even in their wildest dreams: they control the communication and information channels of global civilization. They can manipulate entire populations; they can steer ideas and actions in the direction they desire. Once again: This has never happened before in the history of humanity! And yet the «tech oligarchs» have very real … fears. They know full well that they have attained their power through highly controversial, if not outright illegitimate, means. If they fail to maintain their influence until the end of their lives, it could have dire consequences. So they do everything they can to protect themselves.

And someone like Donald Trump makes them feel safe?
Yes. I don’t want to delve too deeply into the murky depths of U.S. politics, but if you’ve been following the news from time to time over the past few years, then you know that the Biden administration had concrete plans: Tech companies should finally be required to follow certain rules. And the «oligarchs» knew what that would mean. They also knew that Kamala Harris would take up Joe Biden’s ideas and ultimately see them through to completion. With Trump, however… nothing would happen. And, even more than that—they saw him as the perfect candidate to serve as a «global battering ram»; someone who would ensure that their interests were taken into account in Europe, Latin America, and Africa as well. Someone who can put pressure on democratically elected politicians—no matter which country they’re in—if they target the tech giants. When Mark Zuckerberg announced the sweeping deregulation of Meta content on January 7, many interpreted it as a capitulation—a pledge of loyalty to Trump and his ideology. However, it was also a signal from Zuckerberg to the world: «No one in the U.S. will harm us anymore. But our products are available internationally—so now we’ll take care of the rest of the world. Anyone who dares to threaten us will have to deal with the most powerful politician of them all.»
How did things even get to this point—politically and economically?
You could write books about that (laughs). In a nutshell: The downward trend began under Bill Clinton and Al Gore. Both were certainly intelligent individuals, but when it came to the Internet, they were guided by a radically libertarian ideology … an ideology found in the teachings of Milton Friedman and Friedrich Hayek. At the time, the Clinton administration published a white paper on how to approach the World Wide Web, and the «bottom line» was: «The private sector should take the lead.» This would fuel innovation and dramatically accelerate everything. Other Western democracies were pressured to embrace the quasi-mythical notion that cyberspace was a realm of absolute freedom and that political control had no place there. This paved the way for tech companies to accumulate ever more power.
«They can manipulate entire populations; they can cause ideas and actions to develop in the direction they desire.»
Does the European Union have a better track record when it comes to regulating tech giants?
Over the past ten years, several very important laws have been enacted in Europe, such as the GDPR, the Digital Services Act, the Digital Markets Act, and, most recently, the AI Act. All of them were watered down at the last minute by the tech lobby, but they still represent groundbreaking benchmarks. In the United States, nothing comparable has gained traction. We don’t even have a rudimentary data protection law that safeguards private individuals. As I mentioned earlier, there were significant efforts to bring about change during the Biden administration, but for now, everything has come to a standstill.

You mentioned the ability of the «tech oligarchs» to influence public opinion. What impact does this have on society and on democracy?
Tech companies are actively working to privatize what should be the sole responsibility of public administration. They want to encroach on the space controlled by government agencies and institutions. We saw this, for example, when Musk used his X platform to spread disinformation about the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) and discredit it. People in communities hit by hurricanes, floods, and fires were left deeply unsettled—they were led to believe that FEMA was withholding donations and was generally inefficient.
Why did he do that?
Because Musk—at least as his statements can be interpreted—was not allowed to deploy his Starlink technology in disaster areas in the way he preferred. FEMA—under the Biden administration—denied him a potential source of profit, so he launched a smear campaign that ultimately had disastrous consequences for the agency’s credibility.
«We must dare to embrace more democracy, rather than stand by in silence while it is curtailed.»
So is the conflict between «surveillance capitalism» and democracy already raging?
Yes—and history repeats itself: Think of the first few decades of the 20th century in the United States. That period was marked by appalling working conditions, a lack of workers« rights, safety hazards in manufacturing facilities, and the resulting frequent accidents. Every time a legal dispute arose—say, because a worker had fallen from unsecured scaffolding—the employer won. The employer’s interests were the only thing that mattered. It took Roosevelt and his »New Deal« to finally include ordinary people, people with disabilities, and retirees in the »social contract« … to declare: everyone belongs, everyone must be treated equally—by law! Democratic institutions were built around this idea, institutions that were protected and further developed by both Republican and Democratic administrations alike. Trump wanted to attack them as early as his first term; we found ourselves asking, sometimes daily: »Will the institutions hold?” They did—the first time around. Now Trump and his allies are back… and more determined than ever. That doesn’t bode well.
Can we still find hope in this story?
Well, as I said before, the major changes in the United States during the 20th century—new rights, laws, and so on—came about in the fourth decade, driven by massive pressure from society. We are now in the third decade of the digital 21st century. Things are evolving faster today than they did in the 1930s, and I have long argued that our «third decade» will determine the future. If we let it slip by without the world’s remaining democracies standing up to an alliance of autocracy and «tech oligarchy»… we risk scenarios that are far more dystopian than what currently constitutes the status quo.

But things could turn out differently—with the European Union's involvement?
Yes. The EU is facing a historic opportunity: it can prove that it is capable of leading the free world. EU member states must forge new geopolitical alliances—with Latin America, Africa, and Asia. We must dare to embrace more democracy, rather than stand by silently while it is curtailed. Fighting doesn’t mean hiding and just letting things happen! Every single poll I’m aware of shows that the vast majority of humanity has no desire for the dystopian scenarios we outlined earlier. Yes; people want technology, they want information, they want their children to be able to learn and for diseases to be researched—they want a free exchange of knowledge, but within a democratic framework and controlled by the community. In that case, people also have no problem sharing their data for a good, important cause—but voluntarily and transparently, without secrecy or theft. There are countless paths we can take toward a golden 21st century. However, not a single one of them will be viable as long as a handful of mega-corporations own and control everything necessary for the progress of our civilization.
Shoshana Zuboff is an American economist and professor emerita of business administration at Harvard Business School in Cambridge, Massachusetts. She gained international recognition for her research on «surveillance capitalism»: By this she means a market-based capitalist system that uses personal data extracted from people through technological means to collect information about behavior, analyze it, and process it for market-based decision-making in order to generate behavioral predictions and generate profits through its use.
This article first appeared in the print edition of m&k, No. 1-2/2025





























