My electricity comes from the socket
Political Campaign: Moratorium, Phase-out, or Status Quo? The battle for every single vote cost the supporters and opponents of nuclear energy—whose strength was vastly unequal—well over 15 million francs. What is striking here is not only the restraint shown by the campaigners themselves, but also the contrasting approaches taken in the campaigns.
Political campaign Moratorium, phase-out or status quo? The battle for every single vote cost the unequally strong supporters and opponents of nuclear energy well over 15 million Swiss francs. It is not only the restraint of the advertisers themselves that is striking, but also the reversed signs in the campaigns. He is said to have turned politicians into presidents and ideas into party programs capable of gaining majority support - with slogans. Advertising professional Jacques Séguéla never made a secret of being a spin doctor. His Swiss colleagues are more discreet when it comes to political advertising. Especially when it comes to the upcoming vote on the two nuclear popular initiatives.
Strong, taciturn nuclear lobby "There's a lot to be said about political advertising, because there's a lot of untapped potential here," says a renowned advertiser who doesn't want to be named. But: "When you work in an international network, corporate policy suggests that you remain neutral in such matters and leave the agency out of it." Officially, no major agency designs political advertising. If a mandate holder nevertheless becomes publicly known, the advertisers, who are otherwise concerned with publicity, function only as graphic design studios. The fact that in such cases "one's own ethical principles are thrown overboard" is the experience of another creative, who compares this cynical behavior with that of the apolitical consumer who claims that his electricity does not come from the nuclear power plant, but from the socket.
Instead of commenting on his work, Christian Bretscher, a member of the management board of the Zurich PR agency Piar - which implemented the campaign for the No camp together with a large Zurich creative agency - also prefers to refer to the strategist and coordinator Economiesuisse. As far as their advertising budget is concerned, which according to NZZ estimates weighs in at 12 to 15 million francs, even communications chief Urs Rellstab is cagey. In view of the great economic damage that would be caused if the initiatives were adopted, the "intensive campaign" is entirely justifiable. In fact, the opponents of the initiative
the voting battle especially
with the media budget. While the proponents are relying primarily on the advertising idea with an investment of around three million francs. Rellstab doubts this amount: "You can choose between our reticence regarding figures and extremely questionable information that is ultimately unverifiable."
New campaign conceptsThe financial balance of power seems to be one of the few parallels to previous voting campaigns on nuclear energy. In order to attract attention for their concerns, nuclear proponents and opponents seem to have swapped signs when implementing their slogans.
Patrick Kupper of ETH Zurich - his dissertation "Atomic Energy and a Divided Society. The History of the Failed Kaiseraugst Nuclear Power Plant Project" has just been published by Chronos Verlag - notes with amusement: "The only demonstration before this vote took place in Gösgen. And it was one by supporters of nuclear power." By contrast, he says, you no longer see the traditional anti-nuclear symbols among opponents. "Much more, the current campaign conveys a positive, forward-looking attitude and goes more in the direction of lifestyle and quality of life," Kupper says. "Reaching voters via less technocratic arguments makes perfect sense. However, it would have to be investigated, for example, whether a campaign whose ad texts are explicitly aimed at women is actually more likely to reach women - and what happens to the men in the process," Daniel Perrin, head of the Institute for Applied Media Studies at the Zurich University of Applied Sciences in Winterthur, points out. Heinz Bonfadelli, full professor of journalism at the University of Zurich, notes a stronger emotionalization, especially among nuclear proponents: "Obviously, both sides have learned from each other."
Ideas instead of argumentsUrs Rellstab is of the opposite opinion: "Overall, the discussion has become more objective." Agency owner Lynn Blattmann of the Pro Committee sees the change as being due to the fact that "there are no longer any new arguments for or against nuclear energy. That's why we decided on a new advertising idea." This presents the nuclear phase-out "in a sensual way" as a desirable way of life. "You no longer have to wear sandals to buy organic products," she says. In addition, she says, she is betting heavily on the target group of female voters. Secondary analysis of the last moratorium initiative showed that, like other environmental and social policy proposals, it was mostly decided with women's votes.
This is not a new insight. What is new, however, is "that this time we communicated consistently, conspicuously and professionally in the female direction and not in the usual jekami manner with many postage-stamp-sized advertisements in the rubric markets," explains Tschoff Löw, one of the advertising strategists in the initiators' camp. The opponents of nuclear power - above all Greenpeace and WWF - invested over three million Swiss francs in their campaign, which was primarily managed by the two agencies Blattmann and Spinas Gemperle. Lorenz Spinas, head of the agency, sees a special feature in the fact that "this time, the campaign is based primarily on the idea and the image, instead of propagating the slogan with a big yes or no". This was a reaction to the danger of overwork and dilution that always threatens with a large number of proposals. After a first phase in which no-name testimonials boosted the initiative and fundraising, the second of the three-stage pro-campaign started with a direct approach to the core target group of women. The irritatingly unagitated implementation of the female ambassadors and their sharply formulated life wisdom were not to be overlooked. The choice of personalities, who represented all strata of the population, was also clever.
In the last phase, celebrities in advertisements wore sweaty
T-shirts and the message that several European countries have bid adieu to "nuclear stress." Despite the relatively low budget, the campaign achieved high awareness and audience appeal. These can be attributed to the stringent implementation, the media mix and the fine-tuning that was continuously carried out based on the market research results.
Above all, however, the sovereign manner and the omission of the usual market shouting instruments are likely to have caused a stir. But whether this makes sense in order to reach the third of the population that is undecided on the nuclear issue and thus relevant for communication? Heinz Bonfadelli criticizes the comprehensibility of the intellectualized form and the tactic of addressing only a certain target group and excluding others. "There could be a boomerang effect," he says, not ruling out a similar problem with the nuclear lobby campaign. With the exception of one motif - two cooling towers, which combined with the headline "The End" are ominously reminiscent of the WTC and 9/11 - the use of frightening subjects was more noticeable among supporters of nuclear energy.
In several series of motifs, this camp pulled out all the stops. With the pre-campaign, Economiesuisse first wanted to show the importance of nuclear energy in Switzerland. As an ideal complement to hydropower, the electricity mix message was captured using exemplary everyday situations. "We wanted to show the benefits of nuclear energy for our country's electricity supply," says Rellstab, adding, "I think we succeeded quite well." Except for the blemishes, such as the TV spot that was warned off and thwarted by Bakom, or the motif of a passenger riding a train, which was controversial because of the marginal importance of nuclear power at SBB. Equally questionable was the use of federal councillors, who served as figureheads for both committees, often without being asked.
In the main campaign on the home stretch towards the referendum weekend - i.e. in the past two months - the focus was on proving that a radical phase-out would jeopardize the advantages of current electricity production. In what respect, the ad and poster motifs made clear: With a payment slip, a high chimney and a Switzerland whose plug goes abroad in search of electricity, the pro-nuclear committee wanted to show that electricity would become more expensive, more fossil fuels would produce even more carbon dioxide and dependence on foreign countries would increase. Rellstab counters that there is no question of the campaign strategy being based on fear appeals, the effect of which is rather doubted by communication research (WW 21/01). It is true, he says, that the main campaign is to
negative consequences of a nuclear phase-out and that the arguments for this were not made up, but were taken from the Federal Council's message.
Whether and how the outcome of the vote will be influenced by the political campaigns remains to be seen. Heinz Bonfadelli expresses a fear that is shared by many strategists on both sides: "With so many proposals, the question is rather how many people will even go to the polls."
Proponents of the nuclear initiatives want to appeal mainly to women with their campaign.
Strong, taciturn nuclear lobby "There's a lot to be said about political advertising, because there's a lot of untapped potential here," says a renowned advertiser who doesn't want to be named. But: "When you work in an international network, corporate policy suggests that you remain neutral in such matters and leave the agency out of it." Officially, no major agency designs political advertising. If a mandate holder nevertheless becomes publicly known, the advertisers, who are otherwise concerned with publicity, function only as graphic design studios. The fact that in such cases "one's own ethical principles are thrown overboard" is the experience of another creative, who compares this cynical behavior with that of the apolitical consumer who claims that his electricity does not come from the nuclear power plant, but from the socket.
Instead of commenting on his work, Christian Bretscher, a member of the management board of the Zurich PR agency Piar - which implemented the campaign for the No camp together with a large Zurich creative agency - also prefers to refer to the strategist and coordinator Economiesuisse. As far as their advertising budget is concerned, which according to NZZ estimates weighs in at 12 to 15 million francs, even communications chief Urs Rellstab is cagey. In view of the great economic damage that would be caused if the initiatives were adopted, the "intensive campaign" is entirely justifiable. In fact, the opponents of the initiative
the voting battle especially
with the media budget. While the proponents are relying primarily on the advertising idea with an investment of around three million francs. Rellstab doubts this amount: "You can choose between our reticence regarding figures and extremely questionable information that is ultimately unverifiable."
New campaign conceptsThe financial balance of power seems to be one of the few parallels to previous voting campaigns on nuclear energy. In order to attract attention for their concerns, nuclear proponents and opponents seem to have swapped signs when implementing their slogans.
Patrick Kupper of ETH Zurich - his dissertation "Atomic Energy and a Divided Society. The History of the Failed Kaiseraugst Nuclear Power Plant Project" has just been published by Chronos Verlag - notes with amusement: "The only demonstration before this vote took place in Gösgen. And it was one by supporters of nuclear power." By contrast, he says, you no longer see the traditional anti-nuclear symbols among opponents. "Much more, the current campaign conveys a positive, forward-looking attitude and goes more in the direction of lifestyle and quality of life," Kupper says. "Reaching voters via less technocratic arguments makes perfect sense. However, it would have to be investigated, for example, whether a campaign whose ad texts are explicitly aimed at women is actually more likely to reach women - and what happens to the men in the process," Daniel Perrin, head of the Institute for Applied Media Studies at the Zurich University of Applied Sciences in Winterthur, points out. Heinz Bonfadelli, full professor of journalism at the University of Zurich, notes a stronger emotionalization, especially among nuclear proponents: "Obviously, both sides have learned from each other."
Ideas instead of argumentsUrs Rellstab is of the opposite opinion: "Overall, the discussion has become more objective." Agency owner Lynn Blattmann of the Pro Committee sees the change as being due to the fact that "there are no longer any new arguments for or against nuclear energy. That's why we decided on a new advertising idea." This presents the nuclear phase-out "in a sensual way" as a desirable way of life. "You no longer have to wear sandals to buy organic products," she says. In addition, she says, she is betting heavily on the target group of female voters. Secondary analysis of the last moratorium initiative showed that, like other environmental and social policy proposals, it was mostly decided with women's votes.
This is not a new insight. What is new, however, is "that this time we communicated consistently, conspicuously and professionally in the female direction and not in the usual jekami manner with many postage-stamp-sized advertisements in the rubric markets," explains Tschoff Löw, one of the advertising strategists in the initiators' camp. The opponents of nuclear power - above all Greenpeace and WWF - invested over three million Swiss francs in their campaign, which was primarily managed by the two agencies Blattmann and Spinas Gemperle. Lorenz Spinas, head of the agency, sees a special feature in the fact that "this time, the campaign is based primarily on the idea and the image, instead of propagating the slogan with a big yes or no". This was a reaction to the danger of overwork and dilution that always threatens with a large number of proposals. After a first phase in which no-name testimonials boosted the initiative and fundraising, the second of the three-stage pro-campaign started with a direct approach to the core target group of women. The irritatingly unagitated implementation of the female ambassadors and their sharply formulated life wisdom were not to be overlooked. The choice of personalities, who represented all strata of the population, was also clever.
In the last phase, celebrities in advertisements wore sweaty
T-shirts and the message that several European countries have bid adieu to "nuclear stress." Despite the relatively low budget, the campaign achieved high awareness and audience appeal. These can be attributed to the stringent implementation, the media mix and the fine-tuning that was continuously carried out based on the market research results.
Above all, however, the sovereign manner and the omission of the usual market shouting instruments are likely to have caused a stir. But whether this makes sense in order to reach the third of the population that is undecided on the nuclear issue and thus relevant for communication? Heinz Bonfadelli criticizes the comprehensibility of the intellectualized form and the tactic of addressing only a certain target group and excluding others. "There could be a boomerang effect," he says, not ruling out a similar problem with the nuclear lobby campaign. With the exception of one motif - two cooling towers, which combined with the headline "The End" are ominously reminiscent of the WTC and 9/11 - the use of frightening subjects was more noticeable among supporters of nuclear energy.
In several series of motifs, this camp pulled out all the stops. With the pre-campaign, Economiesuisse first wanted to show the importance of nuclear energy in Switzerland. As an ideal complement to hydropower, the electricity mix message was captured using exemplary everyday situations. "We wanted to show the benefits of nuclear energy for our country's electricity supply," says Rellstab, adding, "I think we succeeded quite well." Except for the blemishes, such as the TV spot that was warned off and thwarted by Bakom, or the motif of a passenger riding a train, which was controversial because of the marginal importance of nuclear power at SBB. Equally questionable was the use of federal councillors, who served as figureheads for both committees, often without being asked.
In the main campaign on the home stretch towards the referendum weekend - i.e. in the past two months - the focus was on proving that a radical phase-out would jeopardize the advantages of current electricity production. In what respect, the ad and poster motifs made clear: With a payment slip, a high chimney and a Switzerland whose plug goes abroad in search of electricity, the pro-nuclear committee wanted to show that electricity would become more expensive, more fossil fuels would produce even more carbon dioxide and dependence on foreign countries would increase. Rellstab counters that there is no question of the campaign strategy being based on fear appeals, the effect of which is rather doubted by communication research (WW 21/01). It is true, he says, that the main campaign is to
negative consequences of a nuclear phase-out and that the arguments for this were not made up, but were taken from the Federal Council's message.
Whether and how the outcome of the vote will be influenced by the political campaigns remains to be seen. Heinz Bonfadelli expresses a fear that is shared by many strategists on both sides: "With so many proposals, the question is rather how many people will even go to the polls."
Proponents of the nuclear initiatives want to appeal mainly to women with their campaign.
Christa de Carouge dressed warmly for the supporters of the anti-nuclear initiatives.
Relying on the normative power of the factual and on emotional images: Campaign of nuclear energy advocates.
A campaign that uses the classic device of caricature comes from the Aktion für vernünftige Energiepolitik Schweiz.
Opponents of nuclear power plants drew lifestyle registers and gave the energy debate new values and content with their unagitated campaign.
Luca Aloisi
