Despite proven ineffectiveness, tiered models like AIDA celebrate resurrection among advertisersDespite proven ineffectiveness, tiered models like AIDA celebrate resurrection among advertisers By Wolfgang Koschnick
The previous tiered models of advertising effectiveness research have had their day. New findings by advertising researchers are leading to so-called single-source panels, which enable a high degree of transparency in purchasing decisions. The closer the advertising message is placed to the consumer, the greater the chances that it will have an impact and influence purchasing decisions.
The hierarchical stage models of advertising impact, which began their triumphant march through the advertising industry over a hundred years ago with AIDA, are hopelessly outdated. They could all be buried in the great graveyard of stage models. But their spirit lives on today. And some are tenaciously resisting burying AIDA and all the other beautiful step models.
The enthusiasm with which people cling to stage models is easy to explain: The models reduce complicated social processes to an understandable level. But this does not work. And even those who have long been aware that the stage models are useless still succumb to their spirit. If one considers how stubbornly the Catholic Church has held on to the idea that the earth is at the center of our planetary system, one can almost graciously spread the mantle of Christian charity over some of the delusions of advertising research. The advertising researchers did not have such a long line.
While the models have largely been shelved in theory and hardly any serious researcher still adheres to them, they are currently celebrating a cheerful resurrection in advertising and media practice. This is due not least to the influence of ideas about the importance of advertising pressure.
Consumers cannot be controlled at will
The prevailing doctrine in advertising today is that if you want your advertising to get noticed, you need the audience's attention. That makes sense, but it's a mistake in thinking. And so it happens that all advertising practitioners have nothing better up their sleeve than to attract attention at any price. The whole discussion about "sex in advertising" is about nothing else. Sex undoubtedly attracts a great deal of attention and therefore lulls us into the deceptive certainty that half the advertising battle has already been won: because attention is the first stage in all stage models.
But why does the attention of the wooed have such a central significance? Why is it so important? It almost suggests itself when thinking about the process flow. If you want to make an impact on consumers, you first have to get them to turn all their receptors on. That makes sense to everyone. And yet it is precisely at this point that the numerous thought errors of classic advertising research begin.
Attention is the mediator between sensory perception and the absorption of selected stimuli into short-term memory. Without attention, nothing is perceived.
This seems plausible at first glance. But the flaw in thinking lies in the approach. And the approach is manipulative: How do I get the "stubborn" consumers to buy my product?
This is precisely why the ideas about subliminal advertising of the "secret seducers" caused such a big echo in the fifties: suddenly there was a theory that promised to free the advertising industry from the yoke of attention. It assumed that consumers' behavior could be manipulated at will without first having gained their attention. But the dream of being able to penetrate directly into the consumer's subconscious and have an effect remained an illusion.
There's no doubt about it: by using activating stimuli, advertising can draw attention to its often unstimulating factual messages. One of the most effective methods is the use of key stimuli. Innate triggers work best. These include key stimuli such as the infant or the sight of a female breast. These key stimuli virtually never fail to have an effect on the recipient. Because they are genetically programmed - whether you like it or not.
While advertising researchers were still busily tinkering with their stage models, a revolution in the viewpoint of communications research was announced step by step. Since the 19th century, the prevailing view had been that media directly influence their recipients. That is why it was always so important in many countries to observe how newspapers decided before elections. Which candidate did they favor? Behind this was the idea that voters were guided by the recommendation of "their" newspaper. But, as a rule, they did not and do not do that at all.
In the U.S. presidential election, for example, the decision of a local newspaper in favor of a candidate is still announced with great fanfare. Yet election research has long shown that voters make their decisions regardless of what their newspaper tries to persuade them.
In the 1950s, a radical turnaround became apparent. At that time, empirical attitude research - especially the Yale Group around the communications researcher Carl I. Hovland - recognized that all factors of the impact process, namely the sender, medium and receiver, and not just the media alone, exert an influence on the thinking and actions of the audience. Applied to advertising, this means that the advertiser, the advertising medium, the advertising medium and the advertised person are all players in the impact process. Research into the effects of advertising is approaching the modern age with giant strides.
In his book "The Effect of the Mass Media," published in 1960, the American communications researcher Joseph T. Klapper formulated the thesis for the first time that there was no direct influence on the audience by the mass media at all. Klapper thus went straight back to the "amplifier hypothesis," according to which the media merely reinforced previously existing attitudes.
The hypothesis is a product of the model of a two-stage flow of mass communication, in which opinion leaders play a decisive role. They use the mass media more intensively than other people, they ask more questions and, conversely, are asked for advice more.
From the "amplifier hypothesis" and the theory of the two-stage flow of communication, the idea developed that media effects and thus also advertising effects are determined much more strongly by user characteristics - such as age, gender intelligence, attitudes, social situation, knowledge, expectations, value attitudes or mental state - and virtually not at all by the content of the media.
The benefit approach assumes conscious consumers
The "Uses and Gratifications" approach was later directly linked to this hypothesis. This approach focuses on the active recipient. According to this approach, the message of the media is by no means as decisive as the gratifications that the user seeks in it and the uses that the message is able to create. The active recipient turns to a medium in search of certain gratifications. The media user thus behaves like the homo economicus of classical economics: he selects rationally according to criteria of subjective utility and takes what he needs. He discards everything else.
In general, recipient-oriented gratification research assumes an active audience and, according to Stuttgart-based communication researcher Michael Schenk, is concerned with "1. the social and psychological origins of 2. needs that generate 3. expectations of 4. the media or other (non-media) sources. Expectations then lead to 5. different patterns of media exposure (or to other activities), resulting in 6. need satisfaction and 7. other consequences (mostly unintended)."
The "uses and gratifications" approach initially assumes that the audience's actions are purposeful and intentional. Media use is determined by considerations of utility. Since media use serves to satisfy needs, it must be seen in the context of other, equally possible alternatives for satisfying needs. Finally, another assumption is that recipients are aware of their needs and motives.
In principle, the model is based on the idea of a rational decision maker. In fact, this approach shows clear parallels to the economic behavioral model.
It took quite a while for advertising effects research to rise to the level of media effects research. In the 1990s, American advertising research began to develop new ideas about advertising impact with the empirical findings and the theories linked to them by John Philip Jones, Larry Gibson and Erwin Ephron, among others. They led to the old stage models finally being thrown on the garbage heap of advertising history.
Although it is quite a simplification, it nevertheless gets to the heart of the matter when Ephron's theory of "recency planning" (WW 40/01) is referred to as the advertising impact version of the "uses and gratifications" approach. At least in one point, both theories are similar: The focus is on the sovereign recipient, who decides what is good for him and what is not. It is his or her selection behavior that sets the impact process in motion in the first place.
Single-source panels bring maximum transparency
Single-source panels have been used in international market and media research since the mid-1990s. The method of obtaining data from a single source existed long before that. But today it uses completely new methods. Today's single-source panels use scanners to examine the specific purchasing behavior of a representative sample of individuals and households. They simultaneously measure media usage and advertising impact.
This makes it possible to track whether a consumer who buys a particular product has also had prior contact with advertising for that product. One can also check whether those consumers who have seen advertising for a product are more likely to buy that product. And finally, one can even determine whether consumers who have had advertising contact a week before purchase a product in larger or smaller numbers.
This has introduced a degree of transparency into the process of persuasive communication that was previously unheard of. One can now make unambiguous statements on the basis of this panel: Of those who buy a particular soap, a certain number have previously consumed advertising for that soap. Another percentage of consumers has not done so. So a certain amount of soap was sold more because of the previous contact. One can also state: An advertising contact five weeks before purchase triggered a certain number of sales. A contact one day before the purchase again generated a certain number of sales. And one can reliably state: Is a contact more effective if it occurs a very long time or a very short time before the act of purchase?
In the studies conducted since the mid-1990s, it became clear that of those who actually bought any product, most had had advertising contact very recently. The purchases made by those who had briefly
had had prior advertising contact were 21.3 percent higher than those who had had no contact or contact much longer in the past. Two conclusions from these results were compelling: the temporal proximity of the advertising contact to the act of purchase matters.
It is quite unimportant how many contacts someone has before the act of purchase. A more frequent number of contacts does not increase the advertising influence.
These conclusions come from studies conducted primarily by British professor John Philip Jones, who hails from Wales. Jones has taught at Syracuse University in New York for many years. He used a classic controlled experiment in which he formed two groups from the participants in a single-source panel: the members of one group had demonstrably seen a particular commercial. The members of the other had not watched it. The result was that the people with advertising contact bought around 25 percent more goods than those without contact. And more importantly, the shorter the time between the advertising contact and the willingness to buy, the higher the number of purchases.
Based on the findings confirmed by Jones and other researchers on the relationship between advertising contact and advertising impact (= purchase), New York media planning expert Erwin Ephron argues, "It's best to try to place contact as close as possible to purchase in media planning."
Advertising, argue the proponents of "recency planning," is effective only shortly before the act of purchase, when consumers' needs become virulent. The decisive question is whether a consumer is "on the market" as a potential buyer and whether he wants to buy. So if someone is not eligible as a buyer for a product because, for example, his resources are not sufficient or he is well supplied with the product in question, all advertising for it bounces off him ineffectively. This also means that the triggering factor for advertising effectiveness is the consumer with all his needs and characteristics. If the consumer doesn't want to, can't or doesn't like it, advertising can try as hard as it likes: It fizzles out without any effect.
This new conception of advertising impact represents a radical departure from all previously dominant theories. Accordingly, advertising is a rather weakly effective instrument of market influence. However, it is also a seemingly paradoxical one. It is weak in its effect on the market as a whole, but can have a strong effect on individual consumers. In general, advertising impact is weak because consumers are not particularly interested in advertising at all. It may be that advertising refreshes their memory, but generally they don't learn much from it either; usually they have long known the products being advertised.
The consumer decides whether the message gets through
Earlier models of advertising impact always assumed that advertising influenced consumer behavior. The advertising message says "buy me" and consumers bought... Modern advertising research sees the process exactly the other way around: consumers decide whether a market communication message has an impact on their behavior. From the multitude of messages, they select only those that are relevant to themselves at the given moment. It is not advertising that influences consumer behavior. The events in the lives of consumers determine whether or not they are prepared to attach importance to the messages of market communication.
Regardless of how one may feel about modern American theories, there is one realization that can no longer be suppressed under any circumstances: Advertising impact never takes place as a step-by-step process.
AIDA
The AIDA formula is based on the assumption that advertising is effective when it triggers a defined sequence of perceptions and actions in the consumer: Attention - Interest - Desire - Action. The AIDA formula differs from more complex advertising impact models in its hierarchical structure: Once you have reached one level, you have to climb the next, all the way to the act of purchase. It's like being on a hike. Each step brings you closer to the goal.
Articles published so far
Sex appeal in advertising (WW38/00); Humor in advertising (WW42/00); How does the environment influence advertising impact? (WW1/01); How does placement influence advertising impact? (WW14/01); Creativity & efficiency in advertising (WW18/01); Fear appeal in advertising (WW 21/01); Not all advertising that is liked also entices consumers to consume (WW24/01); TV commercials with high entertainment value are more appealing to consumers (WW 32/01); AIDA as a discontinued model (WW 43/01).
How advertising works for real
With this article by Allensbach journalist Wolfgang J. Koschnick, WerbeWoche continues its series of articles on advertising effectiveness research. Anyone with questions about aspects of advertising effectiveness research can send them to us (in [email protected]). We will answer them to the best of our knowledge. In selecting topics for this series, Koschnick can draw on several hundred scientific studies on advertising impact.