Media and mentality
Column The cartoon controversy at the Röschtigraben shows how Christoph Blocher feels about freedom of expression when others claim it.
Column The cartoon controversy at the Röschtigraben shows how Christoph Blocher feels about freedom of expression when others claim it. The peak of mendacity was reached when Silvia Blocher declared in an interview with the Sunday press that the cartoons were xenophobic. With this, the minister's wife explained her intervention after the taping of "Infrarouge" - the western Swiss "Arena" - in Geneva. Her husband had already thanked her for the fair conversation without deep blows and slurs. Then the minister's wife suddenly burst into the studio in a rage. Her spontaneous anger had been triggered by caricatures that were shown during the production. There were discussions, negotiations and arguments. At a late hour, the editorial management was of the opinion that the matter was over. "Infrarouge" on the subject of the asylum votes was to go on the air the next evening.But that's exactly what the country's justice minister wanted to prevent on his own account after all. The editors and the responsible persons of the French television rejected the request consequently. They, too, know what consequences caricatures can have. But fortunately our minister of justice is not an ayatollah. And his political friends are not remote-controlled fanatics.
Nevertheless, Blocher's clumsy attempt at censorship has triggered something like a religious war at the Röschtigraben. When it comes to cartoons, the French-speaking Swiss can't take a joke. Political line drawings are sacred to them. Anyone who touches their freedom is breaking a taboo. When it comes to jokes, satire and irony, French-speaking Switzerland takes its cue from the French. Everything is permitted. The political system needs the possibility of subversion and transgression - even if it is as an outlet. This is French tradition, going back to the court jester and even further. The privacy of politicians and celebrities is much more protected than in any other democracy - but there are hardly any limits for humorists. That's a good thing.
To make this point clear as well: The television caricatures with which Blocher's statements were garnished were harmless - and by no means xenophobic. Which, by the way, they may well be! Moreover, Blocher, who has a rather healthy relationship to provocation, propagates the free expression of opinion and pleasantly strains political correctness, has already bought works of the TV caricaturist. No one believes him that he didn't know how the show was going.
First of all, the affair has caused the press all over the country to really look at the influence of the woman at his side for the first time. The SVP men were pleased. It probably didn't influence the voting results - the slight differences between Welschland and Suisse alémanique would have been the same even without the Helvetic cartoon controversy. That shows political maturity.
But at least for a few days, Blocher has become as unpopular in French-speaking Switzerland as he was during the great European debates fifteen years ago. With which, by the way, his national career began. He skillfully and unscrupulously relied on the development of the media and mentalities that gave rise to programs like "Infrarouge" and "Arena". Blowback and popularization. Blocher and his party waged a culture war about the past, foreigners and Europe. The asylum vote was one of their biggest victories in recent years, commentators declared. That has to be acknowledged. With some justification, however, one may point out that the reduction of the foreigner issue to "abuse" borders on disinformation.
Stirring up fears and then acting as a savior from the threat is an old political recipe. Napoleon mastered it perfectly. And in power he introduced an elaborate system of disciplinary measures. Our direct democracy is susceptible to manipulation and at the same time sets limits to it. The cartoon controversy at the Röschtigraben has at least shown how Blocher feels about provocation and freedom of expression when they are claimed by his (apparent) opponents.
Almost exactly one year to the day after the publication of the ominous cartoons in a Danish newspaper, the Blocher department announced that the justice minister would refrain from taking legal action. Possibly, however, never again appear in "Infrarouge". For politics as a genre of entertainment, this is of course a bitter loss, because Blocher is a guarantor for a good show. This time even with a woman.
From a civic point of view - as the outcome of the vote shows - the promised abstinence, in which one may not really believe anyway, can be gotten over. And from a regulatory point of view, it even has something reassuring about it: In Bern, after the improvised intermezzo of a wife, the media advisors have once again taken the scepter in their hands.
Jürg Altwegg is the French-speaking correspondent of the Frankfurter Allgemeine.
Nevertheless, Blocher's clumsy attempt at censorship has triggered something like a religious war at the Röschtigraben. When it comes to cartoons, the French-speaking Swiss can't take a joke. Political line drawings are sacred to them. Anyone who touches their freedom is breaking a taboo. When it comes to jokes, satire and irony, French-speaking Switzerland takes its cue from the French. Everything is permitted. The political system needs the possibility of subversion and transgression - even if it is as an outlet. This is French tradition, going back to the court jester and even further. The privacy of politicians and celebrities is much more protected than in any other democracy - but there are hardly any limits for humorists. That's a good thing.
To make this point clear as well: The television caricatures with which Blocher's statements were garnished were harmless - and by no means xenophobic. Which, by the way, they may well be! Moreover, Blocher, who has a rather healthy relationship to provocation, propagates the free expression of opinion and pleasantly strains political correctness, has already bought works of the TV caricaturist. No one believes him that he didn't know how the show was going.
First of all, the affair has caused the press all over the country to really look at the influence of the woman at his side for the first time. The SVP men were pleased. It probably didn't influence the voting results - the slight differences between Welschland and Suisse alémanique would have been the same even without the Helvetic cartoon controversy. That shows political maturity.
But at least for a few days, Blocher has become as unpopular in French-speaking Switzerland as he was during the great European debates fifteen years ago. With which, by the way, his national career began. He skillfully and unscrupulously relied on the development of the media and mentalities that gave rise to programs like "Infrarouge" and "Arena". Blowback and popularization. Blocher and his party waged a culture war about the past, foreigners and Europe. The asylum vote was one of their biggest victories in recent years, commentators declared. That has to be acknowledged. With some justification, however, one may point out that the reduction of the foreigner issue to "abuse" borders on disinformation.
Stirring up fears and then acting as a savior from the threat is an old political recipe. Napoleon mastered it perfectly. And in power he introduced an elaborate system of disciplinary measures. Our direct democracy is susceptible to manipulation and at the same time sets limits to it. The cartoon controversy at the Röschtigraben has at least shown how Blocher feels about provocation and freedom of expression when they are claimed by his (apparent) opponents.
Almost exactly one year to the day after the publication of the ominous cartoons in a Danish newspaper, the Blocher department announced that the justice minister would refrain from taking legal action. Possibly, however, never again appear in "Infrarouge". For politics as a genre of entertainment, this is of course a bitter loss, because Blocher is a guarantor for a good show. This time even with a woman.
From a civic point of view - as the outcome of the vote shows - the promised abstinence, in which one may not really believe anyway, can be gotten over. And from a regulatory point of view, it even has something reassuring about it: In Bern, after the improvised intermezzo of a wife, the media advisors have once again taken the scepter in their hands.
Jürg Altwegg is the French-speaking correspondent of the Frankfurter Allgemeine.
